Friday, 13 May 2016

March of the lawyers

In a previous blogpost for #JusticeforLB, using Freedom of Information requests I went through how much Southern Health NHS Foundation Trust spent on external consultancy and legal/professional services in 2013/14 and 2014/15 (see http://dataforlb.blogspot.co.uk/2015/07/watching-consultants.html ). I’ve now got this information for 2015/16 (in two batches because I was impatient, see https://www.whatdotheyknow.com/user/chris_hatton ) via the good offices of What Do They Know? and the genuinely efficient FoI office at Southern Health.

The previous blogpost goes through a lot of the issues in too much detail, and I don’t want to repeat all of that detail here. Instead, I want to talk about some general trends in Southern Health spending over these three years.

The graph below shows the total amount that Southern Health spent on consultancy and legal/professional services (although these categories seem to be somewhat arbitrary to me) from 2013/14 to 2015/16.

Overall, in 2015/16 Southern Health spent £2.23 million on consultancy/legal/profs - 0.7% of their total income of £331 million in 2015/16. Overall this is down from 2014/15, when Southern Health spent £3.28 million (0.9% of their total income of £346 million). But still not a trivial amount when your income has dropped by 6% in two years.

Looking at the two main categories of spending, the big drop came in spending on consultancy (from £2.17 million in 2014/15 to £1.06 million in 2015/16). However, spending on legal/professional services stayed pretty steady (from £1.12 million in 2014/15 to £1.17 million in 2015/16) and is now outstripping spending on consultancy.



So who are the lawyers and what are they getting paid for? We know from the excellent My Life My Choice (see http://mylifemychoice.org.uk/how-much-did-southern-health-nhs-trust-spend-on-connor-sparrowhawks-inquest/ ) that Southern Health apparently spent £318,121 (including VAT) just on the costs of lawyers at LB’s inquest. The FoI tables don’t typically give that level of detail, but there are some clues.

First, there seem to be some law firms that do the kinds of tasks you would expect, for example relating to property (Paris Smith LLP; Savills LLP) or a whole range of legal stuff (Capsticks LLP; DAC Beachcroft). The amount that Southern Health pays to these law firms fluctuates over the three years and adds up to a tidy sum (£236,003 across these four law firms).

However, it’s not nearly as much as the amount paid to three other law firms, whose services go under the strategically vague ‘clinical governance and audit’ category. By far the biggest is Bevan Brittan LLP – from £47,802 in 2013/14 and £44,932 in 2014/15, their income from Southern Health leapt to £265,522 in 2015/16. Their stance on inquests involving the deaths of people in public services can be gained from articles on their website such as “Avoiding a  Coroner’s Rule 43 report at an inquest” (https://www.bevanbrittan.com/insights/articles/2011/avoidingacoronersrule43reportataninquest/ ) and “Under the microscope: a note on inquests and NHS Trusts” (https://www.bevanbrittan.com/insights/articles/2013/thewideninggyre/  ), which has the following gem of wisdom:

“There is a view that if something goes wrong, it is usually somebody’s fault and unless the mistake is paid for by the person responsible it is more likely to be repeated. At the same time, post-incident investigations undertaken within the NHS are usually expected to adopt a no-blame approach. The inquest process still seems to pay lip-service to both ends of the spectrum. A stock phrase at the outset of an inquest is that ‘no-one is on trial, least of all the deceased’. At the same time it is becoming common for inquests involving healthcare staff to be a trial by ordeal in all but verdict and sentence. And yet there is little that can be done to protect such staff or the Trust from gratuitous intimidation, particularly given the cost of a challenge to an inquest and the likelihood that, even if successfully challenged, it will only mean the inquest will be repeated.

Other new entries for 2015/16 were Hempsons (‘Leading lawyers for health and social care’ http://www.hempsons.co.uk/ ) – paid £52,147 in 2015/16 by Southern Health, and Weightmans LLP (‘A top 45 law firm’ http://www.weightmans.com/ ) – paid £45,669 by Southern Health in 2015/16.

On the consultancy side (although boundaries are blurred, to say the least), the reduction in Southern Health spending is largely accounted for by the demise of Going Viral, designed by occupational psychology firm Talent Works (http://www.talentworksltd.com/case-studies/going-viral-wins-national-award ) - spending went from £908,832 in 2013/14 to £642,272 in 2014/15 to a big fat zero in 2015/16.

Other consultancy firms are still being paid large amounts by Southern Health – by far the biggest is Deloitte, which was paid £65,455 in 2013/14; £285,128 in 2014/15; and a stratospheric £611,721 in 2015/16.

Local management consultancy buddies Consilium Partners continue to get regular bungs from Southern Health - £158,250 in 2013/14; £114,261 in 2014/15; and £103,920 in 2015/16. IRG Advisors (another ‘management consulting firm’ https://www.linkedin.com/company/irg-advisors ) got £64,893 in 2015/16 (although way down on their £265,599 in 2014/15). Newcomers PA Consulting (their website seems to suggest they will do absolutely anything http://www.paconsulting.com/ ) pocketed £56,056 in 2015/16.

In what strikes me as an even more sinister turn, we have MBI Health Consulting – they were paid £25,000 in 2013/14, £296,431 in 2014/15 and £39,600 in 2015/16. What particularly perturbed me was that the 2015/16 amount was, according to the spreadsheet, for ‘LD management’. And even worse, in 2015/16 Southern Health paid £4,536 to St Andrews Healthcare (yes, that St Andrews), also for ‘LD management’.

If I had any sort of role in the governance of Southern Health, I’d be very concerned about what all these shadowy management consultancies are doing (quite apart from demanding my money back…). What is their role in the management of an NHS service? Where’s the scrutiny (they very rarely appear in Board papers, and don’t seem to ever be called to Board meetings)? Where’s the accountability? (I know such a question seems naïve to the point of, I don’t know, something, but how could a person in one of those consultancies be disciplined for bullying members of staff, for instance, or for taking a management decision that directly led to a person’s death in the service?).

Just to finish off, a couple of snippets that caught my eye. In 2015/16, Southern Health paid Hampshire County Council £59,459 relating to Southern Health’s Chief Operating Officer, Chris Gordon. A thickening of the local web of connections, and a disincentive for Hampshire County Council to push Southern Health too hard?


And finally, Southern Health paid £47,280 to Aston Organisation Development, but £42,552 was paid back.  Aston Organisation Development (see http://www.astonod.com/ ) is a consultancy company based on team-based working, and its director is Mike West, guru of promoting health service cultures to promote high quality care. Southern Health is not listed as one of Aston’s recent clients on its website. An accounting error, or one of the parties deciding very quickly that an intervention from Aston wasn’t going to work out?

Friday, 29 April 2016

Days of judgement

The latest (in a long series) of damning CQC reports concerning Southern Health NHS Trust (see press release here http://www.cqc.org.uk/content/southern-health-nhs-foundation-trust-still-not-doing-enough-protect-people-its-care ) was published this morning. Here are some quotes from this press release, from Paul Lelliott, Deputy Chief Inspector of Hospitals and Lead for Mental Health:
“Since the failings identified in the Mazars report, this Trust has, rightly, been under intense scrutiny. In December 2015 it introduced a new system for reporting and investigating incidents, including deaths. It is too early to gauge the effectiveness of the new process. However, our inspectors found that the quality of the incident reports and initial management assessments, conducted both before and after the introduction of the new procedures, varied considerably.“We found that in spite of the best efforts of the staff, the key risks and actions to address them were not driving the senior leadership or board agenda. It is clear that the Trust had still missed opportunities to learn from adverse incidents and to take action to reduce the chance of similar events happening in the future.I am concerned that the leadership of this Trust shows little evidence of being proactive in identifying risk to the people it cares for or of taking action to address that risk before concerns are raised by external bodies.”
The CQC’s remedy for this long-standing and dangerous continuing failure of leadership at the Trust? This:
“The Trust has supplied an action plan setting out the steps it will take to address the concerns identified in the warning notice and CQC will be monitoring the Trust closely with regards to its progress. A further inspection will take place in due course to check that the required improvements have been made and are being sustained.”
Meanwhile, a brief statement from NHS Improvement says:
“We’ve read the Care Quality Commission’s report and it makes extremely disappointing reading.We recognise the seriousness of the situation at Southern Health and it’s clear that urgent improvement is needed at the trust.We’re currently considering whether to take any further regulatory action.”
 [The photo is of 'Days of Judgement', part of the brilliant, brilliant 'Seen and Unseen' exhibition by Laura Ford across the Abbot Hall Art Gallery and Blackwell House in the South Lakes]
Just so the CQC, NHS Improvement, the Department of Health, and anyone else on the accountability magic roundabout are clear about what the consequences of their continued non-participant observation are, this short blogpost goes through how Southern Health are reporting people’s deaths in their Board papers. It was prompted by a straightforward question from Mark Neary a couple of weeks ago – do we know how many people with learning disabilities using Southern Health services have died an unexpected death since the Mazars report was published? Over a sandwich, I thought I’d have a quick look. As ever (I should know better by now), I ended down a malignant rabbit hole of Southern Health Board paper reporting, whether nothing quite adds up and the overall effect is to obscure rather than illuminate.
Remember, the timescale for this reporting is recent – Southern Health must have had a draft of the Mazars report in the summer of 2015, and no end of lesson learning before that, so their reporting of deaths should be exemplary by this point.
This first graph below (from the Board papers for 27th October 2015) shows how Southern Health were reporting information on people dying – or ‘Minimising unexpected deaths (Quality account priority)’. This reports the number of people using Southern Health services (across all their services) who died an ‘unexpected death’ (the definition they use for ‘unexpected death’ is unclear) week by week. My reckoning is that Southern Health reported 103 unexpected deaths from April to September 2015. At this point (well after Mazars had started work) they don’t report in which areas of their services the unexpected deaths are happening. And although the definition states ‘all unexpected deaths are reported as a serious incident requiring investigation’ this isn’t apparent in other parts of the Board papers reporting on SIRIs, and the statistically spurious red line representing the ‘not bothering threshold’ (I’m claiming the copyright on this technical term) is drawn conveniently just above the maximum number of unexpected deaths in any one week (‘expected variation – no investigation required’).


This way of reporting deaths was judged to be inadequate, and a new ‘improved’ system for reporting deaths began on the 1st December 2015. In the Board papers across this time period, I couldn’t find any reporting at all of how many people died, unexpectedly or otherwise, in the last two months (October and November 2015) that the old reporting system was operating.
The new, ‘improved’ system produces graphs like the one below (from the 29 March 2016 Board meeting papers). This records the total number of deaths each month, and whether internal ‘review panels’ (heavily criticised in the #Mazars report) have happened or not. By my reckoning, there were 289 deaths in total from the 1st December 2015 to 21st March 2016.
Moving from reporting only unexpected deaths to total deaths is a perfectly defensible thing to do (some ‘expected’ deaths may well be preventable). However, there is now less information available than before. There is no reporting of how many of these deaths are classified as Serious Incidents Requiring Investigation (SIRIs), for example.
There is also no attempt to cross-check the new reporting system against the old one, to enable the Board to evaluate what impact changes to reporting systems and changes to investigation processes are having on the number of people dying, why they are dying, and what the Trust are doing to prevent preventable deaths. Why are the Trust saying that ‘No historical data…is available’? Do they not know how many of the people using their services died before December 2015? Or can’t they be bothered to work it out?

 Elsewhere in the Board papers, there is a table with some more detail on how they report deaths. This does report how many people died in different areas of the Trust. So, from 1st December 2015 to 21st March 2016, 28 people using the learning disabilities service (this includes community-based services as well as inpatient services) died, and 2 people using their TQ21 social care service died. Beyond that, all this table reports is how many deaths were subject to the preliminary investigation stage within 48 hours. Nothing more meaningful (how many were recorded as SIRIs, for example) is reported here.
At a time when Southern Health know they’re being watched, specifically on how they report and investigate deaths in their service, the shoddiness of their reporting beggars belief. They replace an old, rubbish way of reporting deaths for an even worse way of reporting deaths. They ‘lose’ two months’ worth of information regarding deaths from Board and public view. They start from a Month Zero of death reporting in their new system, and can’t/won’t find any way to track what’s happening over a longer time period. What really matters to them (what gets counted in graphs and tables) is how many initial reviews get done in 48 hours, and nothing else.
How many people with learning disabilities using Southern Health Trust have died unexpected or preventable deaths since the Mazars report (the original prompt for me having a look at this stuff)? Has this improved or got worse over time? From these Board papers, we the public (and the Board itself) cannot begin to answer these questions.
We do know that pretty much since the Mazars report up until the 21st March 2016, 28 people using Southern Health learning disability services lost their lives. Regulatory ‘monitoring’ and ‘considering’ time (even if this is serious face considering) is long past – this Trust has dishonesty in its bones.

Thursday, 10 March 2016

Easy chair



[This picture is from the website http://montazne-hise-on.net/nenavadni-pocivalniki.html]

Another day, another Freedom of Information request. 

A pretty repugnant feature of recent Southern Health practice has been the threatening behaviour of the new Chairman of the Southern Health Board, Mike Petter, towards members of the public in board meetings. How he behaves as Chairman of the Governors (those are the governors that are independent and can hold the Board to account, including sacking Board members like their, er, Chairman - ooh stop it, my accountability sides are hurting) doesn't bear thinking about. 

Mike Petter's association with Southern Health is long (even going back to its previous incarnation before 2011). Given we're always being told how vastly competitive these senior Board posts are - and let's face it, for this post up to £50,000 a year for a part-time gig must be pretty tasty to a lot of people - I was interested in just how fiercely Mike Petter had to compete to get his job. Such prestige, Vanguard among Vanguards, working with former CEO of the year Katrina Percy, surely it was a comprehensive, searching, Apprentice-style selection process to pick out the Petter plum from the thousands of desperate applicants? So I did a Freedom of Information request to ask a few simple questions, via the excellent WhatDoTheyKnow (see here https://www.whatdotheyknow.com/request/selection_process_for_current_ch#followup )

From this (and despite the expensive ministrations of executive recruitment wizards Odgers Berndtsen), we learn that a princely total of 7 people formally applied for the post of Chairman.

Of these, 3 were shortlisted by the 'Appointment Committee' on 22 June 2015. There is no more detail about who was on the Appointment Committee, but a previous (and rather sniffy) response to an FoI request put in by Richard West (see here https://www.whatdotheyknow.com/request/details_of_panel_selecting_chair ) basically says that the Appointment Committee is constituted of Trust governors. 

Of these 3 shortlisted candidates, 1 withdrew, leaving just 2 people.

According to the response to my request, "This was then followed by a Stakeholder Day on 29 June 2015, which was made up of Governors, Service Users and Board members". It is not clear what role this played in selection, or how this fed into any final decision, but it seems that the 2 remaining candidates must have been there, as they also 'took part in psychometric testing' on the same day (29 June). A couple of thoughts at this point. First, I would love to know what psychometric tests were done and what the criteria were for evaluating scores on them. Second, a week between shortlisting and final selection is an incredibly short period of time, particularly if they were hoping to attract the sort of highly competent people with busy diaries suitable for a big Trust like Southern Health.

 'Final panel interviews' then took place the next day, on 30 June 2015, with the Appointment Committee and also a shadowy 'External Assessor'. There is no more information about who this External Assessor was, and this information seems to directly contradict what Richard West was told in the response to his FoI request. 

Overall, this seems a remarkably light process for selecting a Chair of a large, vanguardy NHS Trust. Application form, chat to a few people, a few psychometric tests and an interview, all with people presumably well-known to the successful candidate. 

When I was a governor of my kids' primary school we had to appoint a new headteacher. The appointment panel was 3 governors (including me) and two external assessors with considerable and complementary experience and expertise. After shortlisting, the selection tasks included a data task (looking at school attainment data and interpreting it), conducting a short assembly, conducting a lesson, observing and providing feedback on a teacher's lesson, answering questions from pupils on the school council, and a structured interview. The tasks were designed to cover the range of things that a good head teacher would be expected to do, and to get feedback from kids and teachers as well as governors and external assessors. And they really made a difference to who we selected.

It's almost as if the process to select a Chairman of Southern Health Trust wasn't designed to attract as many high-powered, capable people as possible, and then really put them through their paces to see which one actually had what it takes to be a competent, ethical Chair of an NHS Trust. Surely not...










Tuesday, 1 March 2016

The cycle of (no) change

Here's the well-known cycle of change, from the stages of change model of Prochaska and DiClemente (this diagram is from Social Work Tech).




Here's the less well-known cycle of no change, from the stages of no change model of Concordat & Disdain (this diagram, er, isn't).




Wednesday, 13 January 2016

Don't wanna die before I get old

Public health types love producing those maps of city transport systems where the life expectancy of people living in Swankyburbdon is vastly better than that of people in Grotshawe just 4 stops along the rapid transport line.

So, here's my equivalent map for median age of death for people with learning disabilities, in a nutshell. You're welcome.


Wednesday, 18 November 2015

All-purpose statement

Well, despite our best efforts this so-called review has been stuck on the web somewhere [which one is this about? Oh, that one – OK – good job we did that ‘sad face’ training eh?]. It’s really long and boring with complicated tables and charts and stuff – not worth ploughing through, to be honest. We’ve done our own easy-read though cos we’re so down with the kids [what? It’s not teenagers?], cos we’re in a co-dependent – no – co-producifying relationship with our meal ticket – patients [no, they’re not patients any more? What the actual?] service user-type types. Here it is – just look at that instead.



We’re so not bothered about this bollocks [oh, sad face now?]. We’re absolutely gutted that this review was commissioned in the first place and has seen the light of day. Families, supporters and shit can just do one [what now?], move on somewhere else far, far away please, and stop bugging me. We’ve had some lunches with actual, y’know, important people and they couldn’t give a toss, so I don’t need to press the emergency golden parachute button. Shame in a way, part of me was looking forward to that management consultancy contract and getting away from all these badly-dressed people [focus? What do you mean?].

[Lessons bit now, right?] We’ve learned so many lessons from this review. In fact, we’re so amazeballs that we learned the lessons before the, erm, fuck-up incident strategy event actually happened, so we’ve totally changed while staying the same excellent service we’ve always been [does this statement sound right to you? Seems a bit off somehow?]. It’s all my responsibility that I feel with great indifference, but when it comes down to it it’s all your fault, and I’m feeling really quite upset that you’ve been so horrid as to question anything I’ve ever done about anything because it’s really cut into my awards dinners.


I’ll say off, and you put any word you like in front of it [no, I’m not talking to any effing journalists]

Wednesday, 21 October 2015

Verita 2: A little less than the truth





And the end shall be the beginning…

OK, let’s start with the conclusion. Why? Because I suspect this is what the entire 263 page (including 14 appendices) Verita report of their “independent review into issues that may have contributed to the preventable death of Connor Sparrowhawk” is really about (see here for links to the full report and an easy read summary http://www.england.nhs.uk/publications/invest-reports/#connsparr ). The longer and more ‘thorough’ the report, the more likely most people will be to turn straight to the conclusions and not read the rest. The conclusions, of course, will no doubt shortly be cited in a Southern Health press release, alongside some passive-aggressive statements about how this has been a very distressing and distracting experience for the staff involved, how they will study the report carefully and learn the lessons for when they ‘absorb’ their next shockingly bad Trust to inculcate in the modern way, and how everyone can now Vanguard along, nothing to see here.

The three conclusions in the full report, which I predict will be front and centre of the Southern Health press release, are as follows:

6.70. There is no evidence that acts or omissions of commissioners contributed to the inadequate care received by Connor that led to his preventable death. We set out our rationale for this in our overall conclusion. 

6.71. Quality reviews carried out before the acquisition or at the point of acquisition did not find that STATT had acute clinical, managerial or systems failures. In contrast, concerns were focused on the non-Oxfordshire part of the former Ridgeway services where patient safety risks had been identified.

6.72. An over reliance on a ‘business as usual’ approach to this acquisition was not appropriate. Southern Health should have ensured that any deterioration in the quality of services could be identified quickly and through processes that Southern Health could place their confidence in.

So, what evidence is contained within the Verita report that leads the authors to these conclusions?
The authors are at great pains to point out the rigour of their investigation (57 interviews! Including an interview with Sir Stephen Bubb! [why???] Stakeholder and focus groups! Over 250 documents, 8,000 pages plus!) and it has clearly been a major undertaking. It’s a bit of a shame that the rigour this is intended to convey is undermined by widespread typos and errors throughout. We also know that in Southern Health crucial documents tend to go missing or are ‘incomplete’, until mysteriously ‘found’ at the last minute. It’s also extraordinary that in this “independent” investigation, interviews with many Southern Health personnel (apparently at their request) were conducted with the Trust’s lawyer present on the following (to me, chilling) terms:

“The solicitor is instructed by the trust and will be attending the interviews (where requested by staff) in her role as legal adviser to the trust. In this role, she will be supporting and advising the interviewees through the interview. If the interviewees so wish, she will be reviewing and commenting upon any transcripts produced and she will be taking notes of the interviews. Any notes that she makes may be shared with the trust. If she is sent any interview transcripts, by Verita or the interviewees, she will share these and any other comments upon them with the trust. The interviewees who have asked to be supported in this way are fully aware of the above points and are in agreement with them.”

This might be one reason why this report has no redactions – a welcome improvement in transparency or a sign that everything has been squared off to Southern Health’s satisfaction?

The ‘acquisition’

What was this Verita review supposed to be investigating? Here’s the terms of reference in the executive summary:

6.1. The scope of the investigation as laid out in the terms of reference was to:

“Identify  whether  there  were  any  wider  system  aspects [commissioning, leadership, management arrangements] that  contributed  to  the preventable death of Connor [our emphasis].”

“Review whether, prior to Connor’s death, the local authority, Clinical Commissioning Group and/or Southern Health NHS Foundation Trust were aware of:
·        any quality, safety or delivery concerns in respect of the Short Term Assessment and Treatment Unit
·        the broader learning disability provision and
·        to consider whether appropriate action was taken to address any concerns.”

The report tends to ask questions in roughly chronological order, starting with: What did Southern Health and their commissioners know about the quality and safety of services in STATT before the acquisition?

My reading of the evidence from commissioners at the time is pretty damning. They knew that Ridgeway wasn’t great and that it was going downhill. The chaos of the Health and Social Care Act meant wholesale changes to health commissioning, and a determination to offload Ridgeway (too small to become a ‘Foundation’ NHS Trust on its own) on to an ‘absorbing’ Foundation Trust (see http://dataforlb.blogspot.co.uk/2015/03/shrink-wrapped-absorption-of-ridgeway.html ).

In a weird variant of the “You shouldn’t blog because transparency makes us panic” logic used against @sarasiobhan, the Verita report argues that the Winterbourne View expose made commissioners narrow their focus to parts of the Ridgeway service where they were worried about potential abuse happening, so forgetting about more mundane bad practice in Oxford:

6.24. The Winterbourne View exposé focused attention on the abuse that had happened there and on restraint in particular. From Oxfordshire’s point of view, commissioners had concerns about services in Wiltshire and Buckinghamshire, some of which related to restraint. Their attention was naturally focused there. By contrast, Oxfordshire services had experienced fewer incidents so they received less attention.

6.26. Concerns about the quality of Ridgeway services tended to relate to those outside Oxfordshire. Commissioners thought that services in Oxfordshire needed less attention, although they were acknowledged as being old-fashioned and reliant on a bed-based model of assessment and treatment.

[Aside: note the rhetorical work being done by ‘naturally’ in 6.24]. So, before the ‘acquisition’ Oxfordshire County Council and health commissioners knew that the Oxfordshire service was less than great and had an arrogant, defensive culture, but it wasn’t actively abusive enough for them to do anything about it. An inspid review in late 2012 (with no health professionals in the team) and an ‘informal’ 45-minute visit in 2013 (the result of which was Oxfordshire County Council commenting on the state of the décor in STATT) was the extent of quality monitoring and action. Er – what are commissioners for?

The executive summary of the Verita report then goes on to state:

6.27. As will be seen in the main body of the report Southern Health had a well thought out strategy for preparing for the acquisition which from our review of the available evidence was carried out effectively. This included a wide range of communication processes and as seen below quality and safety reviews.

To my mind, the ‘evidence’ to underpin this seems mainly to be Katrina Percy impressing the acquisition panel with general shininess and corporate bullshit to tell the acquisition panel what they wanted to hear [another aside – what does the fact that the Calderstones bid was rejected say about that service?]. Some of the evidence cited in the report (the NHS Confederation ‘case study’ of the acquisition) has been taken off the NHS Confederation website, and an internal review of Southern Health’s due diligence process noted how it wasn’t conducted properly (see http://dataforlb.blogspot.co.uk/2015/08/diligence-negligence.html ). And again, there is strong evidence of commissioners abrogating their responsibility in their expressed ‘relief’ that Southern Health were going to come in and ‘sort it all out’.

What did Southern Health know about the quality of Ridgeway services before the acquisition?

Well, it turns out they should have known quite a lot. There were multiple reports on the Ridgeway service related to the due diligence process Southern Health was doing – most of them financial, but some of them, given what we now know from the inquest, heartbreaking.

For example, in May 2012 (almost a year before Connor entered STATT), Ridgeway staff conducted a review of their electronic records using the RiO system. The Verita report summarises:
11.26. The review found inadequate completion of electronic risk assessment entries and said staff needed to be trained on how to move from paper records to putting data into the RiO system. It also recommended developing risk assessments on RiO and other record keeping issues.

So Southern Health knew about this, and it is clear from the inquest that they did absolutely nothing about it.

Contract Consulting reported in September 2012 on a review done for the then Strategic Health Authority (dissolved in March 2013) on quality and governance in Ridgeway. Some lowlights from this review included:

“There appears to have been culture within OLDT that could best be characterised as a combination of defensiveness and complacency in respect of quality, safety and risk.”

“Some we spoke to indicated that there is a disconnect between senior leaders within OLDT and the staff delivering or managing the services in terms of the understanding of quality issues and the assurance that actions needed have been taken and are fully implemented.”

Big, honking, warning klaxons for Southern Health.

Good job they’ve got their much-trumpeted mock CQC inspection system then. One of these was conducted by Southern Health on STATT in August 2012 (I’m sure the diagnostic radiographer was particularly helpful), which concluded that everything was basically tickety-boo, with the exception that:

“Care plans, risk assessments and treatment plans did not match up; not all plans were reviewed on the agreed four weekly basis.”

Again, a crucial issue in the inquest, which Southern Health’s own quality processes had flagged, specifically for STATT, 7 months before Connor arrived.

There was also one of the famed matron walk-arounds, done by Southern Health staffer John Stagg as part of a broader quality and safety review of Ridgeway written in November 2012. Again, pretty much tickety-boo as far as specific mentions of STATT are concerned. However, the quality and safety report, which summarised across Ridgeway services as a whole (and therefore should be taken to apply to all Ridgeway services, including STATT) are prophetic in identifying crucial issues relating to Connor’s death. Narrative conclusions and recommendations are in the Verita report as Appendix I and Appendix J. I quote these conclusions extensively because they exactly predict the findings of the inquest – they also predict the findings of the CQC inspection of STATT 2 months after Connor died. Southern Health knew – they knew, and they did nothing:

·        1. Record Keeping:  Both electronic and secondary paper file records require to be up to date and matched against risk assessment and care plans.  It was difficult to ascertain other professional assessments and intervention and there was a lack of joined up MDT working evident within risk assessments and care plans.  The transfer from paper to electronic records is reported by staff to be difficult and in some areas lacks appropriate support.

·        2. Multidisciplinary Working:  There was a lack of evidence to support adequately integrated MDT/ multi-professional or multi agency care plans, particularly within community settings. 

·        3. Risk Assessment & Risk Management:  The overall MDT approach to clinical risk assessment and risk management was poorly evidenced in some areas.  In in-patients this seemed to be led by nursing staff and in the community risk assessment and management was very limited indicating a potential lack of adequate risk management of high risk patients within the community.  This was due to poor evidence within electronic records and a lack of access to secondary files and other professional/ clinical records.  Within in-patients there was evidence of good risk assessment in some areas, but for some patients there was a lack of consistent record keeping.  There was a common failure to match the electronic record to the secondary paper file so that the electronic record at times lacked the detail contained within paper records.  The risk assessments did not always evidence the clinical assessments which would inform risk and risk management.

·        5. Physical Health Monitoring:  There was evidence of good practice in some areas where the Health Action Plan (HAP) had been extended to include more complex health needs…The lack of physical health care plans could lead to potential risk and where this occurred.

·        7. Clinical Pathways/ Evidence Base:  There was limited evidence of joined up MDT working which reflected a clinical pathway or clinical map which identified clinical outcomes to measure assessment and treatment particularly within community settings. Although in-patient services followed the ‘in-patient pathway’, it was difficult to ascertain the ‘tool box’ of assessment and treatment processes available to patients according to their needs and the approach taken by professionals and the team. For example, a patient with epilepsy did not have a care plan which stemmed from a comprehensive epilepsy profile which detailed seizures, risks, affect and effect of medication, the aims for the nurses and the patient in providing care. Expected outcomes for the patient were unclear so could not be measured/ evaluated.

·        9. Clinical Supervision & Management Supervision:  There was evidence that identifies that both types of supervision are limited due to frequency, regularity, recording and staff training.  There were no other methods of clinical supervision identified other than where a psychologist would be made available for group supervision following an incident.  Staff reported a lack of reflective supervisory methods and there seemed to be a reliance on management supervision alone.

·        10. Mental Health Act/ Mental Health Care:  There was evidence that the MHA is not implemented consistently across all services in relation to policy for locked doors, policy for observation, policy for Section 17 leave arrangements (monitoring, recording and signing patients out for leave and on return from leave). 

·        11. Environment:  Maintenance in relation to a safe environment was an issue in some areas but also in relation to ligature assessment and management.  Ligature assessment and management policy has not been consistently applied across services.

·        12. Medical Devices:  There was inconsistent management of medical devices in terms of on-site inventory, monitoring, calibration and maintenance.

·        14. Learning Out of Concerns:  This is an area reported by staff, some of whom felt that they were not informed of outcomes from investigations including the learning from disciplinary investigations.  Changes in practice were not felt to always impact at the staff/ ward level.  There was also commentary that staff felt changes in practice e.g. changes to shift patterns to accommodate breaks (a positive change) was not evaluated in terms of overall impact e.g. the time period for hand over and staff meetings. 

An update of this report by John Stagg in 31 May 2013 was based on information from local managers – yes, these would be the local managers that Southern Health had already been warned about in terms of a culture of arrogance and defensiveness – concluded:

“Overall this report provides assurance and information that the quality factors identified within the Ridgeway Partnership (Oxfordshire Learning Disability NHS Trust) have been or are being addressed effectively.”

That must be because Southern Health swept in with their modern ways, viral leadership and finely wrought action plans to sort it all out, yes?

What did Southern Health do?

There’s a short answer and a long answer (no surprise there, then). Short answer: fuck all – Southern Health took the money and left Ridgeway to rot (see my take on this here http://dataforlb.blogspot.co.uk/2015/03/shrink-wrapped-part-2-shrinking-estate.html ).

The long answer goes something like this...

The two main people in Southern Health responsible for the management of the acquisition, and who were expected to lead the former Ridgeway services after acquisition, scarpered in early 2013 (indeed, they told senior people in Southern Health in 2012 that they didn’t want the jobs). The fact that one of them couldn’t drive didn’t help visibility in the former Ridgeway service.

Southern Health dispensed with the services of their ‘interim transition director’.

The new post-acquisition director of the merged learning disability services didn’t have any experience of services for people with learning disabilities.

According to commissioners, after the point of acquisition, Southern Health stopped talking to them “It felt as if, they won the bid, they got their contracts, they started in November and then they sort of disappeared.” An email to Katrina Percy from a commissioner in February 2013 (a month before Connor entered STATT) stated:

“We heard over a week ago that Amy Hobson has left her post as director for learning disability at Southern Health, but as yet have received no communication from Southern Health to us as commissioners, nor to Lucy Butler as joint manager of the Community Teams service manager.”

“Since the acquisition of Ridgeway Partnership by Southern Health we have had no contact from senior managers at Southern Health, have had difficulty arranging meetings with Amy, and when we succeeded she was unable to attend on the day. My last 2 emails to Amy remain unanswered. As you are aware from the acquisition process, it is very important to us to establish a productive relationship and dialogue with our providers in order to maximise the benefits for our service users from the contracts we manage. Our impression of Southern Health throughout the acquisition process was that we could expect to establish a productive partnership and our experience so far has been very disappointing.”

“Please could you let us know formally who is now managing the learning disability services that we commission so that we can arrange to meet with them as soon as possible to discuss our concerns?”

According to Katrina Percy, Southern Health were held up in doing anything because the commissioners didn’t tell Southern Health what they wanted. Katrina Percy also “doesn’t actually do my own emails”.

Up to April 2013, the ever-changing Southern Health staff were busy working on a ‘business plan’ which included ‘saving’ at least £1.7 million from Ridgeway’s costs [why this planning wasn’t done before acquisition is beyond me, but anyway…]. While they were doing this (and not bothering to talk to the former Ridgeway staff, according to them) Southern Health adopted a ‘business as usual’ approach – as far as I can tell, this seemed to involve Southern Health treating the former Ridgeway service as if it had always been a branch of Southern Health and leaving the staff to magically acquire all Southern Health’s ‘modern ways’ without any assessment of what staff needed, any training, or any plan to help them.

“As has been explained in a number of interviews, upon the date of acquisition, Southern Health took the decision to operate the entirety of the learning disability division services (including the former Ridgeway services) on a ‘business as usual’ basis; i.e. to encourage integration, the acquired services were treated the same as all of the other services in Southern Health’s existing learning disability division.”

“This means that those services formed part of the learning disability division’s ordinary assurance processes to monitor quality, safety and performance – i.e. there were no extraordinary measures put in place to monitor the quality and safety of the former-Ridgeway services.”

As Sue Harriman, the acting CEO for Southern Health at the time (Katrina Percy was on maternity leave) says below, Southern Health apparently forgot that former Ridgeway staff were people:

“I think some of it was around the people part, the softer part, the bit that makes a registered practitioner fill in a form and to say ‘Is everything is okay?’, ‘Okay,’ when it is not okay.  That bit we had really missed somewhere in the mix, that this was a group of people who, clearly, felt or were behaving as if they were totally disenfranchised.”

The business plan was launched at Newbury Racecourse (obviously) in April 2013, when Connor was already on the STATT unit, and it looks (and looked to the Ridgeway staff) like a wholesale cost-cutting exercise, with swathes of posts disappearing. Apparently staff weren’t consulted in advance. The post-acquisition management of Southern Health services was a complete mess.

On July 4th, 2013, Connor Sparrowhawk died.



After a damning CQC report of STATT in September, an internal review identified problems with the STATT unit that had been obvious to Southern Health before acquisition and that they had done nothing about:

·        Culture
o   The practice of moving senior staff when problems arose did not assist in maintaining safe, quality services in the former Ridgeway Partnership. A number of the issues were significantly stressful and demanding to deal with. SHFT may not have realised the degree of strain amongst its new senior management team.
o   Senior managers worked hard however their increasing range of responsibilities led to a reduced level of support and leadership notably on STATT and JSH.

·        Transaction and post transaction
o   The lack of robust local management support for STATT and JSH appears to have continued since transaction occurred, despite various quality initiatives led by others not in a direct line management relationship with the ward manager…
o   The governance arrangements which prevailed post transaction did not readily enable communication and a change in culture due to the top down approach, and apparent lack of empowerment for front line staff. A good example of where the disconnect became apparent during the investigation was with regards the post transaction process of review and amalgamation of policies.

Yet another internal investigation of management can perhaps best be summarised in this one line:

·        The evidence gives the impression of complete chaos leaving staff feeling uncertain and distressed.


Responsibility?

There is much more in the Verita report, but for the purposes of this blog I want to stop there. This has been a bit of a trawl through (part of) the evidence, but I thought it was important to do this for me to see what conclusions I would come to, based on the evidence presented.

The Verita report has this brief discussion that, for me, gets to the heart of the matter in terms of responsibility for Connor’s death:

4.8. A quote from the executive summary of Sir Robert Francis’ report on Mid Stafford Hospital (which looked at the causes of the failings in care at the hospital between 2005-2009) gives guidance on one aspect of evaluating evidence relevant to this test:

“There is … a difference between a judgement which is hindered by understandable ignorance of particular information and a judgement clouded or hindered by a failure to accord an appropriate weight to facts which were known.” (Paragraph 70)

4.9. This insight leads us to consider:

·        whether commissioners and Southern Health failed to seek out information that they should have known or needed to know to provide a safe service; and
·        whether commissioners and Southern Health had information that they failed to act on.

To me, the evidence is overwhelming that:
·        Commissioners knew throughout there were serious problems with the Ridgeway Trust, and fobbed off their responsibilities on to Southern Health as quickly as they could.
·        Well before they ‘acquired’ Ridgeway, Southern Health knew exactly what the problems were, to the extent that they virtually predicted the issues contributing to Connor’s death set out by the inquest jury.
·        After acquisition, Southern Health left former Ridgeway staff to fend for themselves, while threatening their jobs and not ‘leading’ (hey, there’s a word) or managing any part of the former Ridgeway service effectively.

To my naïve brain, it is clear that, using the Francis test, the actions (and inactions) of both commissioners and Southern Health were contributory causes of Connor’s death.


Throughout the Verita 1 investigation and the inquest, it has been painfully clear that Southern Health’s strategy has been to pin all the responsibility for Connor’s death on to the staff working on the STATT unit. In this context (and bearing in mind that Verita have ‘form’ when it comes to conducting independent investigations for Southern Health’s precursor which pin the responsibility for shocking failures squarely on staff, as in this report on Fordingbridge Hospital in 2008 http://www.dailyecho.co.uk/resources/files/7412 ), it’s hard for me to see this Verita 2 report as anything other than a continuation of the same strategy. I cannot reconcile in my head the evidence contained in this report and the conclusions it reaches – short of finding video evidence of Katrina Percy stalking the corridors of STATT with a piece of lead piping I doubt that any evidence would have been sufficient to make Verita reach a different conclusion.